> Chapter 7

"REPORT FROM IRON MOUNTAIN ON THE POSSIBILITY AND DESIRABILITY OF PEACE"

(Foreword by Leonard Lewin. Pub. 1967, Dial Press, NY. Call American Opinion Books, 414-749-3783.)

This remarkable book appeared eighteen years after Orwell's 1984, and suffers from many of the same speculations as to its origins. It is not a novel, but rather a report written by the members of a 15-man "Special Study Group" commissioned, they believe, by some governmental entity which wished to remain unknown. The report is addressed to that unknown requestor, the work of the group having been completed after about two and a half years of labor. The members of the group knew that they had been carefully screened and selected for the task, that they represented the highest levels of scholarship, experience, and expertise in a wide range of the physical and social sciences, that they possessed years of service in business, government, and academe, and that among them they had access to a vast proportion of the country's resources in the social and physical science fields. The Special Study Group was clearly possessed of outstanding establishmentarian credentials.

The book comes to us because one of the members of the group, identified only as John Doe, approached Mr. Lewin several months after the completed report had been submitted, and sought his help in getting the report commercially published, since he (Doe) felt that the public had a right to be apprised of its existence, even though the group had previously agreed to keep it secret. Mr. Lewin, having agreed to serve in that capacity, wrote a foreword spelling out these circumstances and passing on what little he learned from Doe concerning the study's origin and its participants. He further revealed his personal reaction to the conclusions of the report, conclusions which he said. he does not share, but which appear to explain aspects of recent American policies which have otherwise been incomprehensible from a "common sense" viewpoint.

As with 1984, we shall not indulge in speculation as to the possible motives of persons involved in commissioning, performing, or publicizing the Study's activities, except to suggest the possibility that both 1984 and The Report From Iron Mountain may have been created to serve as guides for middle-level workers in the fields of the elites. This would require, of course, a certain skill in reading between the lines, since calling a spade a spade would obviously raise too much public reaction. But let's move right along, starting with a little background on the nature of the Study Group and its operations.

The name Iron Mountain was derived from the name of the location, near Hudson, N.Y., where the first and last meeting of the Study Group took place.  The meeting place served to impress and convince the participants of the authenticity of their endeavor. It was a well-equipped underground facility built to survive a nuclear holocaust, and was being used by hundreds of American corporations for the safekeeping of their critical documents. It also even housed substitute corporate headquarters for a number of them, including such major establishment firms as Standard Oil of New Jersey, Shell, and Manufacturers Hanover Trust.

Meetings other than the first and last were held, approximately monthly, at universities, hotels, summer camps, private estates, or business establishments in various parts of the country, but never in the same place twice. Participants were paid travel and per diem expenses by a member identified as the "government contact" who also instructed them not to report those payments on their income tax returns, and to otherwise do whatever was necessary to keep their deliberations secret.

The first meeting was held in August of 1963, though the idea for the study, according to Doe, originated as far back as 1961 with the incoming staff of John Kennedy's administration, mostly, says Doe, "with McNamara, Bundy, and Rusk." Doe further revealed that three of the fifteen Study Group members had been in on the planning which produced the group, but the identities of none of the members (except for Doe) were revealed to Lewin. The last meeting was held in March of 1966, and the report was completed and submitted shortly thereafter. Lewin was approached by Doe during the following winter to arrange for commercial publication. (For reference, recall that John Kennedy was assassinated on November 22, 1963.)

Lewin warned in his foreword that the Report contained presumptions and recommendations which were, on the face of it, outrageous and offensive to ordinary common sense, including such notions that poverty is both necessary and desirable, that the return of slavery as an institution may be desirable, and that budgeting the optimum number of deaths to occur annually in warfare was a proper function of government. With this warning in mind, one cannot help but be mentally probing, as he proceeds through the Report, for the real purposes being served, including the foundation premises upon which the study was based. Doe told Lewin that the purpose stated by the anonymous caller who recruited him was "to determine, accurately and realistically, the nature of the problems that would confront the United States if and when a condition of 'permanent peace' should arrive, and to draft a program for dealing with this contingency." The Report's transmittal letter rephrased these purposes as: "1) to consider the problems involved in the contingency of a transition to a general condition of peace, and 2) to recommend procedures for dealing with this contingency." As the Report's Introduction again rephrased it, the following two questions were to be addressed: "What can be expected if peace comes? What should we be prepared to do about it?"

We are soon led to observe that there is something askew in the logic of the first stated purpose. A society's "problems" are not nearly as uniquely determined by the presence or absence of "peace" as they are by other societal characteristics, most particularly the presence or absence of "individual liberty." The question to the Study Group should therefore spell out as a postulate the status of this elemental characteristic, since the society's "problems" will be grossly different depending upon whether its citizenry is or is not "free."

We, as Americans, would naturally assume that the Study Group would automatically acknowledge, respect, and seek to preserve the philosophical foundation of our country (the existence of our individual inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness) along with the mechanics which our forefathers put in place (the U.S. Constitution) to try to preserve those rights for their posterity, rights which they had just wrested from Old World monarchs representative of the entire prior world history of ongoing despotic rule by whoever managed to acquire a preponderance of arms. It soon became clear, however, that such an assumption was ill-founded, and that the implicit presumption of the Study Group was that the condition of individual freedom was to be that which had historically existed in the Old World, namely the subservience of the citizenry to an aristocratic elite.

The main question that was to absorb the group's labor was posed early in the Report's Introduction. Presuming a world with no war, war preparations, or armaments, were there not certain societal functions fulfilled in the past by warfare for which substitute activities would have to be found in a world of peace? Thus, what functions did war fulfill? If no viable substitutes could be found to fulfill them, was "peace" even desirable, in terms of "social stability?"

The study member who was the government contact was code-named Able by Doe, who revealed to Lewin that it was Able who challenged the classical definition of war, and suggested that war served other purposes beyond being an extension of diplomacy, or ultimate physical actions in support of a foreign policy, etc. All the other members ultimately came around to his view. It was also Able who, with one other member, drafted the Report, circulated it for review, and then produced the final version. It therefore seems likely that those who conceived the study had pretty well in mind what the study would produce from the beginning.

Of course all of us ordinary folk have a pretty good idea of why peace is desirable. In a few words, war involves lots of us getting killed, usually for the benefit of kings or other elites with whom we have little truck, and even if we physically survive, our savings, i.e., the fruits of our lifelong labors, are expropriated (by inflation or otherwise) and spent on killing others, reducing our ability to lead the good life, and ruining life in its entirety for those who are killed, displaced, enslaved, tortured, etc. All that being so, what is this "social stability" that the Report refers to which may bring into question the desirability of peace?

It took a long time for the Report to get around to defining what it meant by "social stability." But here are a few of the significant steps that we detected on the way. First, in describing the scope of the study, the Report claims that one of the operative criteria was to avoid utilizing any preconceived value assumptions (such as one's right to life or liberty, we assume). But then it proclaims one, since any serious investigation "must be informed by some normative standard.... The stability of society is the one bedrock value that cannot be avoided." The words still remain undefined, however.

The Report next goes directly into the economic effects of disarmament, alleging that such effects would be the same whether disarmament preceded or followed the attainment of peace. The study therefore entirely bypasses the issue of how nations, centered about our own Constitutional Republic, might work to create the desired peace With freedom, for example by jointly defining the conditions, including self-sufficiency and security, which must be satisfied to make nations willing to disarm, and then working jointly to realize those conditions. With a regime of "peace with freedom" established, the institutions then existing could be examined to seek out problems then remaining and recommend programs for dealing with them. The Study, however, avoids looking at what institutional structures might evolve in the production of, peace with freedom, though such structures would undoubtedly be very different from those presently existing.

The Report fleetingly describes and then dismisses prior studies leading to mechanistic disarmament procedures. This brief discourse acknowledges that before such scheduled disarmament procedures could begin, genuine agreement of intent would have to be reached among the major powers. We described that above as seeking to define and then realize the conditions which would permit nations to feel secure about disarming. The Report, however, does not mention the attainment of common intent, but rather proclaims that disarmament efforts have been unsuccessful because nations do not want peace to reign, and desire instead that the use of war as an institution continue, because war serves certain essential purposes that peace cannot. In point of fact, says the Report, war is not "subordinate to the social systems it is believed to serve." Rather, society's war readiness "supersedes its political and economic structure. War is itself the basic social system, within which other secondary modes of social organization conflict or conspire. It is the system which has governed most human societies of record, as it is today."

We find fault with the above, not respecting its accurate description of how the Old World powers behaved in order to expand their powers at the expense of others (that is, to indulge the fatal flaw of their rulers of being corruptible by power), but most particularly with respect to the purposes and intent of the United States of America, in whose name and for whose benefit the Special Study Group was presumably laboring. George Washington, in his Farewell Address, warned Americans to stay out of Europe's intrigues and wars, which had no legitimate place in our newly constructed country, a country which, for the first time in human history, was put together to be run by the people for the benefit of the people, and not for the benefit of those momentarily powerful persons in governmental office, who would in fact be frequently replaced. The power to make war was carefully put in the hands of the Congress, representing the wide-ranging electorate. The carnage of the Civil War renewed our abhorrence of war, and conspiratorial efforts were required (see Chapter 5) to drag us against our will into World War 1. That produced further revulsion, and further conspiratorial efforts were required to get us into World War 2. That ghastly war fed mass efforts to get us out of the Vietnam War, mass efforts that arose from our increasing conviction that we, the public, were being manipulated, a conviction made possible by our improved historical awareness and our much improved access to current events due to the growth of modern communication media.

We the people do not want war, we know we do not want it, and we are more than willing to support efforts to obtain and maintain peace in the world. To this end we supported the formation of the UN, but were again conned into doing something against our real interests, because the UN is clearly recognized now not as an institution seeking peace with freedom, but rather as the institution charged with acquiring political and military control over the world's peoples for the benefit of today's power elites.

Let's go on with the Report. It next sets about to define what it says are the real functions served by war, and in so doing cannot avoid tipping its hand concerning its previously implicit postulates. It first takes up the economic functions of war. Though war involves waste, it says, such waste has social utility, in that the waste is outside the control of market forces, and is subject instead to "arbitrary central control." That control can be used to "stabilize the advance" of the world's industrial economies, which have "developed the capacity to produce more than is required for their economic survival...." It can also be used as a sort of economic flywheel to balance the economy, and is better for this purpose than wasteful social welfare programs, because the latter, once initiated, become imbedded in the general economy where they are "no longer subject to arbitrary control." In fact, compared to war, "no combination of techniques for controlling employment, production, and consumption has yet been tested that can remotely compare to it in effectiveness...."

One perhaps begins to detect that a major goal, perhaps the major implicit postulate, is control, and more particularly, arbitrary central control. But, we ask, why do we want to "stabilize the advance" of the industrial economies? Isn't it proper to try to avoid war in order to permit the continuing increase in our own standard of living, as well as the rest of the world's? And isn't war a ludicrous price to pay as a mechanism for smoothing out the ripples in the economy? Aren't better and much less costly mechanisms available? The answers are right around the corner.

The Report has now arrived at its core issue: the hidden political functions of war. And here we run once again into that undefined phrase that we started with: "social stability." War, we are told, is even more critically needed for maintaining social stability than it is for providing economic stability. It is fully capable of doing so because a state's war powers constitute "the basic authority of a modern state over its people." In our modern industrial societies, war has served "as the last great safeguard against the elimination of necessary social classes." Our productive economies make it more difficult to "maintain distribution patterns insuring the existence of 'hewers of wood and drawers of water."' But fortunately, the arbitrary nature of war expenditures and related military activities "make them ideally suited to control these essential class relationships." Unless a substitute can be found, the institution of war must be continued "to preserve whatever quality and degree of poverty a society requires as an incentive as well as to maintain the stability of its internal organization of power." (Our emphasis added.)

The prime political function of warfare, as understood by the Study Group, is thus seen to be to preserve poverty in the society as an aid to maintaining the elite class in control. The congruence of the Report with Orwell's 1984 is now clear. What social stability really means is "keeping the Low's in poverty and the High's in power, forever."

The last essential step to completing the Study Group's thesis is to understand why war is so readily accepted by the public, whose members are always the prime losers in any war. The reason, says the Report, is that individual citizens will willingly rise to the defense of their society when they see it being threatened by an external enemy. The enemy, of course, must be formidable and the threat real, or at least perceived to be real. Such a major threat to one's society justifies to the individual the loss of life associated with meeting that threat, including even the loss of one's own life. It may be very difficult, says the Report, to find a substitute for war that produces the desired waste of resources and is at the same time so readily acceptable to the populace. The Report makes no mention of the ease or difficulty of producing wars on demand, perhaps because the means were so obvious that no discussion was felt to be needed.

The final nonmilitary function of war, not necessarily incapable of adequate fulfillment by a substitute, is the loss of life which it produces. This comes under the euphemism of ecological control, aimed at maintaining the world's population at that reduced level at which it may successfully sustain itself within the constraints of the world's agricultural capacity. The Report briefly acknowledges that this Malthusian notion of population control may be approaching obsolescence due to the increasing efficiency with which food and other essentials are being produced, but then quickly dismisses the thought. The chief difficulty with using war for population control, says the Report, is that war regressively kills off a higher proportion of the fittest (our young warriors), instead of our old, weak, and infirm, thereby acting against eugenic improvement. Modern warfare has the promise of improvement in this regard, however, since nuclear warfare will enable millions to be rapidly killed off, and indiscriminately with respect to the weak or the strong. (It really says that!)

The Report further notes, as an incidental matter, that medical science has also exacerbated the problem by removing pestilence as a method of population control, but even worse, it has done so by perpetuating the lives of those who would otherwise have been eliminated by their genetic susceptibilities, thereby eugenically weakening the race. The coming "transition to peace" should probably take these matters into account as well.

The Report then seeks to define substitutes for the essential nonmilitary functions of war which it has allegedly found in the economic, political, sociological, and ecological arenas. In the economic field, there are two important criteria for substitutes: they must be wasteful (involving the destruction of at least 10 percent of the gross national product) and they must be outside the consumer supply and demand system. The first candidates considered are massive social welfare systems, such as cradle-to-grave health care, college education for all, housing for all at the level of the current top 15 percent, environmental purity with respect to air, water, forests, parks, etc., and the elimination of poverty via a guaranteed annual income or other appropriate redistribution scheme. While these schemes may prove useful during the transition to peace, says the Report, they all suffer from the disadvantage that they are too cheap (not as wasteful as war), and would work themselves into a permanent level of expenditure embedded within the general economy, and therefore not subject to arbitrary control.

A second possibility for an economic surrogate is a massive, open-ended space research program having substantially unattainable goals, such as the colonization of Mars, etc. This one might produce sufficient economic waste, and could be extended indefinitely, but lacks the urgency associated with an imminent, credible threat.

In fact, this lack of a credible threat turned out to be the main difficulty with finding any viable substitute for the political and sociological functions of war. Any such substitute requires the existence of an "alternate enemy" posing a massive and credible threat, sufficient for one to be willing to give up his life to fight. Of the social welfare programs mentioned above, environmental pollution is perhaps the only one which might be blown up into a big enough threat to convince people that lots of money urgently had to be thrown at the problem. But even this appears to have doubtful viability, even if efforts were made to deliberately poison the environment in various ways in order to enhance the threat. The Report's way around this apparent brick wall was to conclude that, if a viable natural substitute could not be found, a fake one would have to be invented. The Study Group didn't wish to pursue that matter any further, at least in print, in order not "to compromise, by premature discussion, any possible option that may eventually lie open to our government. "

The Study Group did manage to find an alternate to war for proper population control (an "ecological" function). The Report declares: "A universal requirement that procreation be limited to the products of artificial insemination would provide a fully adequate substitute for population levels. Such a reproductive system would have the added advantage of being susceptible of direct eugenic management.... The indicated intermediate step - total control of conception with a variant of the ubiquitous 'pill,' via water supplies or certain essential foodstuffs - is already under development." (Emphasis added.) The only question the Report raised about this matter was whether the imposition of procreation control should or should not await the arrival of peace. The participants seemed to reluctantly agree that it should, since significant excess manpower would probably be needed in the warfare that was likely to ensue prior to the arrival of the "peace system," and because procreation control would naturally also require the existence 'of a centrally enforced "peace."

The Report reprises the motivation for the study, now clearly stated, in its summary: "The permanent possibility of war is the foundation for stable government; it supplies the basis for general acceptance of political authority. It has enabled societies to maintain necessary class distinctions, and it has ensured the subordination of the citizen to the state, by virtue of the residual war powers inherent in the concept of nationhood.... The war system has provided the machinery through which the motivational forces governing human behavior have been translated into binding social allegiance.... The foregoing [political and sociological] functions of war are essential to the survival of the social systems we know today." Except, perhaps, the one created in the late 1700's by Jefferson, Adams, Madison, Hamilton, and their revolutionary compatriots.

After all of this cerebral effort, the Report concludes, "No program or combination of programs yet proposed for a transition to peace has remotely approached meeting the comprehensive functional requirements of a world without war.... The war system cannot responsibly be allowed to disappear until 1) we know exactly what it is we plan to put in its place, and 2) we are certain, beyond reasonable doubt, that these substitute institutions will serve their purposes in terms of the survival and stability of society.... It is uncertain, at this time, whether peace will ever be possible. It is far more questionable ... that it would be desirable, even if it were demonstrably attainable."

But given the above, the Report goes on to complain how even the "war system" is getting difficult and risky to manage. For example, it is becoming more possible "that one or more sovereign nations may arrive, through ambiguous leadership, at a position in which a ruling administrative class may lose control of basic public opinion or of its ability to rationalize a desired war." Horrors! What if significant leaks were to develop in the media's paper and electronic curtains?

The final recommendation of the study is that a War/Peace Research Agency be created, with unlimited secret funding, and accountable only to the President, to continue research on both how to get to the sought-for permanent peace, and how best to shore up the present war system so that it can continue to be efficiently used until such time as a stable peace is secured. The war studies should include, for example, the "determination of minimum and optimum levels of destruction of life, property, and natural resources prerequisite to the credibility of external threat essential to the political and motivational functions."

One wonders if such a War/Peace Research Agency presently exists.

In our review (Chapter 5) of Griffin's The Creature From Jekyll Island we noted that Griffin also had made reference to The Report From Iron Mountain. We encourage you to read and absorb his interpretation, which has an emphasis somewhat different from ours. Griffin supplies evidence of the authenticity of the Report by quoting the written assertion to that effect by Harvard's establishmentarian professor John Kenneth Galbraith, who admitted to participating in the study in at least a consultative capacity. We would also like to borrow from Griffin's conclusions concerning the study's importance. He asks why this study differs from any other think tank effort, and then writes (p. 525):

"The answer is that this one was commissioned and executed, not by ivory tower dreamers and theoreticians, but by people who are in charge. It is the brainchild of the CFR. Furthermore, it should be obvious that the stratagems outlined in the report are already being implemented. All one has to do is hold the report in one hand and the daily newspaper in the other to realize that every major trend in American life is conforming to the recommendations of the report. So many things that otherwise are incomprehensible suddenly become perfectly clear: foreign aid, wasteful spending, the destruction of American industry, a job corps, gun control, a national police force, the apparent demise of Soviet power, a UN army, disarmament, a world bank, a world money, the surrender of national independence through treaties, and the ecology hysteria. The Report From Iron Mountain has already created our present. It is now shaping our future."

We will have more to say about a major element of that shaping process in our next review.